By MICHAEL MOSS
  
  
s both
  major political parties intensify their efforts to promote absentee balloting
  as a way to lock up votes in the presidential race, election officials say
  they are struggling to cope with coercive tactics and fraudulent
  vote-gathering involving absentee ballots that have undermined local races
  across the country.
  Some of
  those officials say they are worried that the brashness of the schemes and
  the extent to which critical swing states have allowed party operatives to
  involve themselves in absentee voting - from handling ballot applications to
  helping voters fill out their ballots - could taint the general election in
  November.
  In the
  four years since the last presidential election, prosecutors have brought
  criminal cases in at least 15 states for fraud in absentee voting. One case
  resulted in the conviction of a voting-rights activist this year for forging
  absentee ballots in a Wisconsin county race.
  In another case, a Republican election worker in Ohio was charged with switching the votes
  of nursing-home residents in the 2000 presidential race. And last year in Michigan, three city
  council members pleaded guilty in a vote-tampering case that included forged
  signatures and ballots altered by white-out.
  The
  increasing popularity of absentee voting is reshaping how and when the
  country votes. Since the last presidential election, a growing number of
  election officials and party operatives have been promoting absentee
  balloting as a way to make it easier for people to vote and alleviate the
  crush of Election Day. At least 26 states now let residents cast absentee
  ballots without needing the traditional excuse of not being able to make it
  to polling places. That is six more states than allowed the practice in 2000.
  
  As a
  result, as many as one in four Americans are expected to vote by absentee
  ballot in the presidential race, a process that begins today, nearly two
  months before Election Day, as North Carolina becomes the first state to
  distribute ballots. 
  But
  some experts say that concerns about a repeat in problems with voting
  machines is overshadowing the more pressing issue of absentee ballot fraud.
  "Everybody
  was worried about the chads in the 2000 election,'' said Damon H. Slone, a
  former West Virginia election fraud investigator, "when in fact by
  loosening up the restrictions on absentee voting they have opened up more
  chances for fraud to be done than what legitimate mistakes were made in Florida."
  
  Yet
  many states - including battlegrounds in the presidential campaign - have
  abandoned or declined to adopt the safeguards on absentee voting that
  election officials have warned they will need to prevent rigged elections, an
  examination by The New York Times has found.
  Only 6
  of the 19 states where polls have shown that voters are almost evenly divided
  between President
  Bush and Senator
  John Kerry still require witness signatures to help authenticate absentee
  ballots. Fourteen of the 19 states allow political parties to collect
  absentee voting applications, and 7 let the parties collect completed
  ballots, raising the possibility that operatives could gather and then alter
  or discard ballots from an opponent's stronghold.
  Most of
  the swing states even let party operatives help voters fill out their
  absentee ballots when the voters ask for help. And political parties are
  taking advantage of vague or nonexistent state rules to influence people who
  vote at home. In Arizona
  this month, a county judge ruled that a campaign consultant had improperly
  held on to more than 14,000 absentee ballot applications he collected this
  summer to help nearly a dozen Republican candidates in the primary. But
  holding on to such applications for at least a few days is now common practice
  by both major parties in states like Arizona,
  which require only that they be turned in within a "reasonable"
  period of time. This allows campaigns to bombard voters with mailings and
  house calls just as their ballots arrive.
  Some
  operatives boast that this absentee electioneering lets them avoid the
  century-old anti-fraud rules that force them to stay out of polling places.
  But while acknowledging the value of legitimate get-out-the-vote campaigns,
  election officials say absentee voting is inherently more prone to fraud than
  voting in person since it has no direct oversight.
  "Loosening
  the absentee balloting process, while maybe well intentioned, has some
  serious consequences for both local races and the general election,"
  says Todd Rokita, secretary of state in Indiana, where fraud investigations are
  under way in at least five communities.
  The
  more blatant cases of criminal misconduct have prompted some state officials
  to seek new legal powers in fighting fraud, including making it a crime to
  lie about not being able to vote in person in those states that require an
  excuse.
  A
  Matter for the States
  The
  Justice Department says the Constitution mandates that states run elections,
  and it generally can intervene only on civil rights matters like ensuring that
  non-English-speakers are not excluded. 
  In the
  mayoral race last year in East
    Chicago, Ind.,
  federal officials declined to act on the pleas of one candidate's supporters,
  who foresaw trouble in absentee voting. Two weeks before the election, in the
  Democratic primary, the campaign of the challenger, George
  Pabey, was tipped to shenanigans, and his supporters asked the United States
  attorney there to safeguard the balloting. The prosecutor referred the matter
  to the Justice Department's civil rights division, which did not show up
  until a year later, to monitor a different election.
  Mr.
  Pabey lost the race. Last month, the state Supreme Court voided the election
  after a judge found that the "zealotry to promote absentee voting"
  resulted in residents being coerced into voting with offers of jobs and other
  assistance.
  There
  are now criminal investigations of the election by local, state and federal
  authorities, with five people already charged. Some voters who agreed to vote
  absentee in return for polling-place jobs say they had no idea this was
  improper. 
  "That's
  how I thought it was, you get paid to vote," Larry Ellison of East
  Chicago, 32, said in a recent interview, adding that he needed the $100 he
  received for his vote to buy medicine for his seizures.
  In North Carolina, three
  university students were charged with felonies last year, accused of voting
  both absentee and at the polls after they responded to campus fliers that
  offered free concert tickets worth $22.50 for voting absentee.
  Signatures
  and Excuses
  Since
  2000, when mail-in votes became crucial to President Bush's narrow victory in
  Florida,
  several groups that studied election irregularities have issued warnings
  about absentee voting. One commission, whose co-chairman was former President
  Jimmy Carter, found that most election officials had grown lax in handling
  absentee ballots. 
  "For
  practical reasons, most states do not routinely check signatures either on
  applications or on returned ballots, just as most states do not verify
  signatures or require proof of identity at the polls," wrote John Mark
  Hansen, dean of the social sciences division at the University of Chicago,
  who directed research for the commission's 2001 report.
  Also in
  2001, an international association of election officials called the Election Center produced a report that noted
  the growing importance of absentee voting and concluded, "Strict
  procedures and penalties to prevent undue influence and fraud must be adopted
  by jurisdictions seeking expanded absentee access or all-mail elections."
  Gary
  Bartlett, an association member and the director of elections in North Carolina, said,
  "It seems like whenever there is hanky-panky in elections, it's usually
  through absentee voting." 
  In
  2002, North Carolina
  stopped requiring an excuse to vote absentee, but at the same time it barred
  anyone but voters and their relatives from handling absentee applications. In
  addition, the state requires two witness signatures on absentee ballots,
  which Mr. Bartlett says is a powerful tool against fraud.
  In Oregon, where all
  voters now cast their ballots by mail, officials have adopted several
  safeguards, including the use of a scanner that produces an image of the
  voter's registration signature for instant comparison with the signature on
  the absentee envelope. But Melody Rose, an assistant professor of political
  science at Portland
   State University,
  who has studied the state's elections, said she was concerned that political
  operatives could still collect ballots.
  "We
  are a battleground state, and it is likely to be a very tight race," Ms.
  Rose said. "What is to stop some individual from saying, 'This is a red
  neighborhood' or 'This is a blue neighborhood and I'm going to go and
  volunteer to take ballots and dump them in the river.' '' 
  The
  Ballot Gatherers
  This
  year, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court barred election officials from letting
  political operatives collect completed ballots, citing fraud concerns. But
  some efforts to limit the role of operatives in absentee voting have been
  derailed by political jockeying, and the fears, expressed mostly by
  Democrats, that such controls could diminish turnout.
  Three
  towns in Connecticut
  tested a program last summer that barred political parties from handling
  ballot requests. But while the effort was deemed a success, the Legislature
  declined to make the ban permanent statewide, said Jeffrey B. Garfield,
  executive director of the State Elections Enforcement Commission. 
  Campaign
  workers "tend to target people who are elderly, infirm, low-income,
  non-English-speaking," Mr. Garfield said. "So there is a psychology
  of almost fear and intimidation.'' 
  In
  other cases, new controls have caused interest groups to seek new ways to
  grab absentee votes. Two years ago, after Iowa placed new restrictions on who can
  handle ballot applications, political activists discovered an arcane rule
  that lets almost any people who can gather 100 signatures set up their own
  polling place where residents can vote early. 
  After
  several churches did so last year to fight a casino initiative, unions in Cedar Rapids said they
  hoped to collect 1,000 votes for Mr. Kerry on Oct. 10 by setting up voting
  booths at a Teamsters hall during a rally for workers and their families. 
  The
  local elections director, Linda Langenberg, said the law required only that
  their voting booths be set up more than 30 feet away from any electioneering;
  nonetheless, Ms. Langenberg said, she is concerned. "I won't let them
  have voting in the same building where they are having a rally," she
  said.
  Elsewhere,
  some experts contend that regulators have undermined efforts to fight voting
  fraud. In West Virginia,
  Mr. Slone said that three years ago he was forwarding information to the
  Federal Bureau of Investigation about absentee votes being swapped for $15
  and flasks of whiskey when a new secretary of state replaced him with
  compliance officers who he said did not have the skill to ferret out fraud. 
  "Absentee
  voting is one of the most abused things in the state," Mr. Slone said in
  an interview. And while it mostly surfaces in local elections, he said, the
  same culprits may be turning out votes in national races, too. 
  The West Virginia
  secretary of state's office denies that it has diminished its antifraud
  effort.
  In East Chicago, many
  voters said their faith in the election process was shaken by the debacle
  last year in the mayor's race. 
  The
  challenger, Mr. Pabey, won the race based on polling-place votes but lost to
  Mayor Robert A. Pastrick by 278 votes when the absentee ballots were counted.
  Within days, a civic group, Women for Change, sent 50 volunteers - nurses,
  secretaries, mill workers - knocking on doors of absentee voters to
  investigate.
  The
  admissions they got from dozens of voters led Judge Steven King of Lake
  County Superior Court to render a 104-page decision chock-full of testimony
  from poor residents like Shelia Pierce. Ms. Pierce said she had been facing
  eviction when she let an operative working for the mayor's campaign, Allan
  Simmons, fill out her absentee ballot in return for the promise of a $100 job
  working outside the polls on Election Day. She said he later threatened her
  to keep her from testifying.
  Mr.
  Simmons has been charged with three counts of attempted obstruction of
  justice and six counts of ballot fraud. He has denied the charges. Mr.
  Pastrick has not been charged with wrongdoing and has denied any involvement
  in fraud.
  In the
  same election, Elisa Delrio says a local official offered her a $160 job at
  the polls and even took her absentee ballot to the hospital where she was
  having surgery. But when she voted instead for Mr. Pabey, her ballot, which
  she handed to the official, disappeared and was not counted, election records
  showed.
  "It
  made me so angry," Ms. Delrio says. "Voting is sacred."
  Judge King
  stopped short of voiding the election, saying the 155 votes he had thrown out
  did not change the outcome, but the Supreme Court of Indiana concluded that
  it was impossible to determine the true winner. A new election is scheduled
  for Oct. 26.
  Alexis
  Rehrmann contributed reporting for this article.
  
   
  Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company | Home | Privacy
  Policy | Search |
  Corrections | RSS | Help | Back to Top