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voter fraud vs vote fraud
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The Fraudulence of Voter Fraud
By Joel Bleifuss
In These Times
Wednesday 18 April 2007
The Bush administration purged US attorneys for failing to prosecute
crimes that didn't occur.
On April 6, 2006, in Washington, D.C., Karl Rove gave a speech to
the Republican National Lawyers Association and issued this dire
warning:
We are, in some parts of the country, I'm afraid to say, beginning to
look like we have elections like those run in countries where the guys
in charge are, you know, colonels in mirrored sunglasses. I mean, it's
a real problem, and I appreciate all that you're doing in those hot
spots around the country to ensure that the ballot - the integrity of
the ballot - is protected, because it's important to our democracy.
When Rove talks about protecting "ballot integrity," that is
shorthand for disenfranchising Democratic Party voters. Over the last
several years, the Justice Department, with the help of White House
operatives, has sought to boost GOP electoral fortunes by
orchestrating a national campaign against voter fraud. But the
administration overreached on Dec. 7, when President George W. Bush
fired eight U.S. attorneys, a political scandal that some say could
become this president's Watergate.
When Republicans talk about voter fraud they are referring to
illegal voting by individuals, as opposed to vote fraud - systematic
attempts to steal an election by an organized group of partisans. This
emphasis on voter fraud has convinced eight states to pass laws
requiring voters to present official photo identification in order to
cast a ballot - laws that studies have shown suppress Democratic
turnout among voters who are poor, black, Latino, Asian-American or
disabled.
Understanding that one way to win closely contested elections is
to keep Democratic voters away from the polls, the Republican Party
has tried to stoke public fears of voter fraud. On Feb. 15, 2005, the
U.S. Senate Republican Policy Committee issued a report, "Putting an
End to Voter Fraud," which said, "Voter fraud continues to plague our
nation's federal elections, diluting and canceling out the lawful
votes of the vast majority of Americans." To remedy the situation, the
Senate Republicans advised Congress to "require that voters at the
polls show photo identification."
But voting experts maintain that voter fraud is not a national
problem. In March, Lorraine C. Minnite, a professor of political
science at Columbia University, released "The Politics of Voter
Fraud," a report she prepared for Project Vote, an advocacy group
based in Arkansas. She writes:
The claim that voter fraud threatens the integrity of American
elections is itself a fraud. It is being used to persuade the public
that deceitful and criminal voters are manipulating the electoral
system.... The exaggerated fear of voter fraud has a long history of
scuttling efforts to make voting easier and more inclusive, especially
for marginalized groups in American society. With renewed partisan
vigor, fantasies of fraud are being spun again to undo some of the
progress America has made lowering barriers to vote.
This is borne out by a study from the Eagleton Institute of
Politics at Rutgers University, which found that in the 2004 election,
voters in states that required documentation of identity were 2.7
percent less likely to vote than voters in states where documentation
was not required. Specifically, the study, commissioned by the U.S.
Election Assistance Commission, found that Latinos were 10 percent
less likely to vote, Asian-Americans 8.5 percent less likely to vote
and blacks 5.7 percent less likely to vote.
What's more, despite GOP claims to the contrary, voter fraud is a
very rare occurrence. In 2002 the Justice Department established the
Ballot Access and Voting Integrity Initiative to ferret out fraudulent
voters. On Oct. 4, 2005, Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, with great
fanfare, proclaimed, "We've made enforcement of election fraud and
corrupting offenses a top priority." Yet according to an April 12 New
York Times article, only 120 people have been charged with the crime
over the past five years, leading to 86 convictions. Furthermore, the
Times noted, federal attorneys say that most of the transgressions
have been mistakes by immigrants and felons who simply misunderstood
eligibility requirements.
The extent of voter fraud is further complicated by the fact that
earlier this year the Election Assistance Commission changed the
conclusions of a report it had commissioned. The original report by
outside election experts concluded, "There is widespread but not
unanimous agreement that there is little polling place fraud." The
commission deleted that sentence and replaced it with, "There is a
great deal of debate on the pervasiveness of fraud."
Rep. José Serrano (D.-N.Y.), who chairs the House Appropriations
subcommittee that oversees the commission, is disturbed by this
apparently politically motivated substitution. He told In These Times:
This possibly could be another Watergate. We have to ask the
questions, "Why was this report doctored, and how does this play into
the larger picture of voter suppression and intimidation?" By
directing public attention to voter fraud you divert attention from
the fact that Americans in certain communities are not able to cast
their votes properly and that their votes are not being counted. Is
this something that this small new agency thought of by themselves or
did they get marching orders from somewhere else, perhaps as far up as
the White House?
Firing Prosecutors
It appears that, under Rove's direction the White House has been
planning to use U.S. attorneys to fan national fears of voter fraud.
In his speech to the GOP lawyers, Rove listed 11 states that would
play a pivotal role in the 2008 elections. Since 2005, Bush has
appointed new U.S. attorneys in nine of those states: Florida,
Colorado, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Michigan, Nevada, Arkansas and
New Mexico.
What's more, the firings of U.S. attorneys in New Mexico, Arkansas
and Washington appear directly related to this Republican plan to
exploit the issue of voter fraud and suppress Democratic turnout.
In Arkansas, Bush fired a sitting U.S. attorney in order to
appoint Rove protégé Tim Griffin. (See "The Talented Mr. Griffin" by
Greg Palast on page 31.)
In Washington, fired U.S. Attorney John McKay had refused to
prosecute alleged voter fraud in the 2004 Washington governor's race,
in which Democrat Chris Gregoire beat Republican Dino Rossi by 129
votes.
On March 6, McKay testified before the Senate that after the
election Republicans pressured him to open an investigation. He said
his office had examined the allegations of voter fraud and decided
there was not enough evidence to pursue a case.
"Had anyone at the Justice Department or the White House ordered
me to pursue any matter criminally in the 2004 governor's election, I
would have resigned," McKay told the Seattle Times. "There was no
evidence, and I am not going to drag innocent people in front of a
grand jury."
In New Mexico, David C. Iglesias was equally suspect in the eyes
of the GOP. Recall that in 2000, Gore beat Bush by 377 votes in New
Mexico. Consequently, in 2004, Democrat-affiliated groups initiated
voter registration campaigns in New Mexico. As a result, two boys, age
13 and 15, received voter cards in the mail. Iglesias responded by
setting up a bipartisan task force to investigate. This didn't satisfy
attorney Mickey D. Barnett, who represented the 2004 Bush-Cheney
campaign in New Mexico. He told Iglesias he should bring federal
charges against a canvasser who forged their signatures, which he
refused to do.
In a New York Times op-ed, Iglesias wrote:
What the critics, who don't have any experience as prosecutors, have
asserted is reprehensible - namely that I should have proceeded
without having proof beyond a reasonable doubt. The public has a right
to believe that prosecution decisions are made on legal, not political
grounds.
Manufacturing Voter Fraud
The issue of fraudulent voters undermining American democracy did
not spontaneously erupt. To promote national concern about voter
fraud, in March 2005 GOP operatives with ties to the White House
established a 501(c)4 organization called the American Center for
Voting Rights Legislative Fund (ACVR). The group went public by
establishing a Web site, ac4vr.com. (The site has since been taken
down for unknown reasons.)
According to its 990 tax forms, ACVR is based in Midlothian, Va.,
and its executive director is Robin DeJarnette, who is also the
founder and executive director of the Virginia Conservative Action
PAC. However, according to the registration form for its Internet
domain name, the group's address is a mailbox at a UPS Store in
Dallas. The chairman of ACVR is Brian Lunde, a former Democratic
National Committee official from Texas, who in 2004 was head of
Democrats for Bush.
ACVR specializes in issuing studies that purport to document a
host of voter fraud cases, like the report titled: "Democrat
operatives far more involved in voter intimidation and suppression in
2004 than Republicans."
On March 21, 2005, four days after ACVR went public, Rep. Bob Ney
(R-Ohio), then chair of the Committee on House Administration, opened
hearings on 2004 election irregularities. One person who testified was
ACVR National Counsel Mark "Thor" Hearne II, who described himself as
"a longtime advocate of voter rights and an attorney experienced in
election law." In the aftermath of the 2000 presidential campaign,
Hearne was dispatched to Florida as a Republican observer in Broward
County's manual recount, and in 2004 he worked as the national general
counsel for Bush/Cheney '04 Inc.
In his testimony, Hearne described ACVR as "committed to defending
the rights of voters and working to increase public confidence in the
fairness of the outcome of elections." And he submitted to the
committee a copy of the ACVR's "Ohio Election Report," of which he was
the lead author. That report read in part:
This [Democratic] voter registration effort was not limited to
registration of legal voters but, criminal investigations and news
reports suggest, that this voter registration effort also involved the
registration of thousands of fictional voters such as the now infamous
Jive F. Turkey, Sr., Dick Tracy and Mary Poppins. Those individuals
registering these fictional voters were reportedly paid not just money
to do but were, in at least one instance, paid in crack cocaine.
And in testimony on Dec. 7, 2006, the same day the prosecutors
were fired, Hearne told the Election Assistance Commission: "Recent
press reports suggest that voter registration fraud remains a
significant issue in the recent mid-term elections."
The press contact for ACVR is Jim Dyke, who was the communications
director of the Republican National Committee during the 2004
election. In the fall of 2005 he was working in the White House trying
to get Harriet Miers on the Supreme Court, before moving on to work in
Vice President Dick Cheney's office. Brad Friedman of BradBlog.com
reported that according to internet records, Dyke registered the ACVR
Internet domain name, ac4vr.com, in December 2004. Those records have
since disappeared from public view. (The source of ACVR's funding is
also mysterious. According to the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, "When
asked to name any contributors to his nonprofit, Hearne claimed he did
not know but said Lunde did. When Lunde was asked, he claimed he did
not know but said Hearne did.")
Dyke is a good friend of his fellow Arkansan Tim Griffin, the new
U.S. attorney in Arkansas. In 2004, both worked at the Republican
National Committee helping Bush get re-elected. Dyke has been a vocal
defender of Griffin's appointment as U.S. Attorney. "He has a real
passion for the law," Dyke told the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette.
Rounding out the GOP operatives is Pat Rogers, who sits on the
board of ACVR. An attorney for the Republican Party in New Mexico, he
has been a vocal critic of fired U.S. Attorney Iglesias. According to
the Albuquerque Tribune, Rogers is on the short list to replace
Iglesias.
Rove's Role
Minnite, who did the study on voter fraud, has read through the
reports prepared by ACVR and presented by Hearne at various official
hearings. She noticed that the claims follow a predictable script. "It
all starts to look the same," she says. "There is a pattern in the way
the documents that claim to show voter fraud are put together. It is
usually a compilation of news reports on allegations. There is no
follow up, no research done, no analysis."
"As I delved into it, I was faced with the question: 'Why do
people think there is a lot of fraud when there isn't any real
evidence?' I think people are being manipulated by politics, which
takes the form of these reports that are dumped on the public. It is
as if you get a big enough pile maybe you will convince people that
the volume of fraud is quite large and that we have a serious
problem."
Wisconsin provides a case in point. At a March 13 press
conference, White House Counsel Dan Bartlett identified Wisconsin as
one of the states from which the White House had "received complaints
about U.S. attorneys."
In 2005, U.S. Attorney Steve Biskup, who was appointed by Bush,
investigated these allegations of voter fraud and reported that he
found no evidence on which to press charges.
It turns out that early in 2005, Republican officials in Wisconsin
prepared a report titled "Fraud in Wisconsin 2004: A
Timeline/Summary." The document, which was found in White House and
Justice Department records released by the House Judiciary Committee,
was written by Chris Lato, the former communications director for the
state Republican Party, on orders from Rick Wiley, the party's
executive director. The 30-page report, which covers Aug. 31, 2004 to
April 1, 2005, contains 65 entries detailing voter fraud. The final
example is titled: "RPW [Republican Party of Wisconsin] News Release:
Evidence of Election Fraud Piles Up."
The information contained in this Wisconsin compilation, made its
way into a 78-page report released on July 21, 2005, by ACVR: "Vote
Fraud, Intimidation & Suppression in the 2004 Presidential Election."
In the introduction, the ACVR's Hearne and Lunde wrote that the report
"documents hundreds of incidents and allegations from around the
country.... [T]housands of Americans were disenfranchised by illegal
votes cast on Election Day 2004 ... [P]aid Democrat operatives were
far more involved in voter intimidation and suppression activities
than were their Republican counterparts.... [R]equiring
government-issued photo ID at the polls ... will help assure ... that
no American is disenfranchised by illegal votes."
And who was behind this trail of misinformation? On April 7,
Daniel Bice, a columnist for the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, reported
that a source familiar with the document told him, "The report was
prepared for Karl Rove. Rick [Wiley] wanted it so he could give it to
Karl Rove."
On April 6, 2006, in Washington, at the aforementioned speech to
Republican Party attorneys, Rove began with a joke: "I ran into
[AVCR's] Thor Hearne as I was coming in. He was leaving; he was smart,
and he was leaving to go out and enjoy the day." Rove then told the
assembled party lawyers, "We have, as you know, an enormous and
growing problem with elections in certain parts of America today."
Rove should know. He helped grow the problem.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Joel Bleifuss is the editor of In These Times, where he has worked
as an investigative reporter, columnist and editor since 1986.
Bleifuss has had more stories on Project Censored's annual list of the
"10 Most Censored Stories" than any other journalist.
-------
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